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Accounts of an impending American-Russian presidential summit have been greatly exaggerated, apparently.

Only a few days after Donald Trump said he intended to confer with Russian President Putin in the Hungarian capital - "in approximately a fortnight" - the high-level talks has been put off without a new date.

A initial meeting by the both countries' top diplomats has been called off, as well.

"I don't want to have a wasted meeting," President Trump informed the press at the executive mansion on Tuesday afternoon. "I don't want a pointless effort, so I'll see what happens."

• Trump states he did not want a 'unproductive session' after plan for negotiations with Putin postponed
• Disappointment in Kyiv as President Zelensky leaves Washington without results

The on-again, off-again summit is just the latest twist in the president's attempts to broker an end to war in the Eastern European nation – a subject of renewed focus for the US president after he orchestrated a truce and hostage release deal in Gaza.

While making remarks in the North African country recently to celebrate that truce deal, Trump addressed Steve Witkoff, with a new request.

"We have to get the Russian situation done," he declared.

Nonetheless, the circumstances that converged to make a Gaza breakthrough possible for the negotiation team may be challenging to duplicate in a Ukraine war that has been ongoing for almost four years.

Reduced Influence

Per Witkoff, the crucial element to unlocking a agreement was Israel's decision to strike Hamas negotiators in the Gulf state. It was a move that angered US partners in the Arab world but gave the president leverage to compel Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu into making a deal.

Trump gained from a long record of supporting the Israeli state dating back to his first term, including his decision to move the US embassy to Jerusalem, to alter US policy on the legality of Israeli settlements in the occupied territories and, more recently, his backing for Israel's military campaign against Iran.

The US president, actually, is more popular among the Israeli public than their prime minister – a situation that gave him unique influence over the Israeli leader.

Combine Trump's connections in politics and business to key Arab players in the region, and he had a wealth of diplomatic muscle to secure an agreement.

Regarding the conflict in Ukraine, on the other hand, the president has much less leverage. In recent months, he has swung between efforts to pressure the Russian president and then Zelensky, all with little seeming effect.

The US leader has threatened to impose additional penalties on Russian energy exports and to supply Ukraine with advanced missile systems. But he has also acknowledged that such actions could disrupt the world's financial stability and intensify the war.

At the same time, the US leader has publicly berated Ukraine's president, temporarily cutting off information exchange with the country and pausing arms shipments to the country - only to then retreat in the wake of worried European partners who caution a Ukrainian collapse could disrupt the whole area.

The president often boasts about his skill to sit down and negotiate deals, but his personal discussions with the Russian and Ukrainian leaders have not appeared to move the hostilities any closer to a resolution.

Putin may actually be exploiting Trump's desire for a deal – and faith in direct negotiations - as a means of influencing him.

During the summer, Russia's leader consented to a high-level meeting in Alaska just as it seemed probable that Trump would approve on legislative penalties supported by GOP senators. That legislation was subsequently put on hold.

Recently, as news emerged that the US administration was considering seriously shipping long-range missiles and air defense systems to Ukraine, the president of Russia called the US president who then promoted the possible summit in Budapest.

The next day, Trump hosted Ukraine's leader at the White House, but left empty-handed after a reportedly tense meeting.

The US leader maintained that he was not being played by Putin.

"As you are aware, I've been played throughout my career by the best of them, and I emerged really well," he remarked.

But the president of Ukraine subsequently commented on the timeline of developments.

"As soon as the issue of advanced weaponry became a less accessible for us – for Ukraine – the Russian side almost automatically became less interested in diplomacy," he said.

Thus, in a short period, the president has shifted from considering the idea of sending missiles to the Eastern European country to planning a meeting in Hungary with Putin and privately urging the Ukrainian president to surrender all of Donbas – even land Russian forces has been unable to conquer.

He has finally decided on calling for a ceasefire along present frontlines – a proposal the Russian government has rejected.

During his election campaign previously, Trump vowed that he could end the Ukraine war in a matter of hours. He has since discarded that pledge, admitting that ending the war is proving harder than he expected.

It has been a uncommon admission of the constraints of his power – and the difficulty of establishing a framework for peace when both parties wants, or is able to, cease hostilities.